A B C of modern socialism

57 activities upon a truly functional basis; to see to it that our intellectual and cultural faculties shall be so nurtured that they will effectually respond in every time of need and crisis.

The surprising levity with which, in former days, national leaders have confronted internal and extermal dangers of great magnitude has often been the theme of historians, authors and playwrights. The same levity or obtuseness is found to-day amongst our political leaders. They know not, or, knowing, dare not. I recently asked a group of Members of Parliament if they had the time to do what was demanded of them. They agreed that even seventy-two hours to the day would not suffice. ‘‘Then why not devolve?” I asked. They shrank from it. They were of those who

‘‘Grope for the old accustomed stone And weep to find it overthrown.”

Nevertheless, if statesmanship is to evolve a sound public policy, it must escape from the complexities and urgencies that now surround it and do not belong to it. It must devolve; must throw off the burdens and harassments that beset it; must decide the national fate, in small things and great, unhampered by mountainous details. There is no conceivable devolution except on functional lines.

Not the least of the obstacles in the way of function is the insensate greed of the average politician for power; for power he knows not how to apply, and even if he knew could not. This dis-